Back to Our People by Acuil Banggol
Updated: Oct 17, 2020
It was recognising our diversity as ethnic and cultural communities that enabled us to successfully found country in South Sudan on 9 July 2020. This is the same thing that enabled SPLM to earn the trust of ethnic and cultural communities and build a path to establish a prosperous nation-state.
Let us stand firm with our social and democratic values and goals as mandated by articles 5 and 6 of the SPLM Constitution. We must adhere to the provisions of articles 33, 34(4), 155, 167, 168, and 169(3) of TCRSS. Let us implement R-ACRSS in good faith and in accordance with preamble and mandates under Chapter VI, calling to respect and incorporate ethnic and cultural communities in an ethnofederal system within a South Sudanese context. SSND resolutions were inspired and continue to be guided by its declared goals.
Why this elitist political and military oligarchy that allows us to surrender SPLM masses to exploitative rebellious political vultures? We have left our fraternity and symbiotic relationships with ethnic and cultural communities to elitist tendencies. The process of political tendencies that allowed mushrooming of rebellious legitimacy was granted by SPLM. Let us go back to our people in their huts.
Belgium and the United Kingdom are constitutional ethnofederal kingdoms that are well-known for recognising and accepting ethnic and cultural communities at all levels of government. Singapore recognises and incorporates minority ethnic, cultural, and political groups. Switzerland, with four national languages, relies on 26 Cantons of ethnic and cultural communities. Indian and Ethiopian ethnofederal systems are promising. Why not South Sudan?
SPLM must opt for institutions and constitutionality. Neither Arusha nor any unification will work. Unification is used as bait by political vultures to legitimise selfish and exploitative political lotacracy. SPLM should remain open to welcome returnees but should not be vulnerable to self-proclaimed historical leaders or real SPLM.
We stood firm and climbed through rebellion and are determined to give all we have to help this country come out of this hole. The dysfunctional institution must be corrected. The SPLM national secretariat should be empowered as mandated by the SPLM Constitution.
Let SPLM promote its secretaries and deputies to fill secretary-general positions. Appoint deputies to allow the Deputy Secretary-General for Political Affairs to support Cde Kuol Manyang to politically advise the SPLM chair and minister in the Office of the President. Fill the positions of secretariats. Madam Cde Nunu could become SPLM secretary-general.
The SPLM National Liberation Council must organise into at least five standing committees. Heads of such standing committees should be members of the SPLM political bureau. Advisor’s roles should be revamped, explored, and supported to engage with research entities and universities to help in creating informed fraternity. The ongoing process of SPLM resource mobilisation should be included in guiding and coordinating the roles of SPLM caucus members in R-TGONU and the Economic Crises Committee. This is what is mandated by articles 9(17 and 18) and 24 (1, 2, 3, and 9) of the constitution. The same is true for the responsive provisions in the SPLM Constitution, from states through to bomas.
Involve ethnic and cultural communities in handling transitional justice, reconciliation, and reparation, and choose a path of peaceful coexistence. Encourage Abrahamic and African faiths to bless the process of dependent and transitional justice. Then allow the constitution-making process to begin.
Declare a state of emergency. Unify ethnic and cultural communities, and incorporate them in ethnofederal South Sudan.